COVID-19 has wreaked havoc in nearly every life, and I don't lose that individuals are profoundly feeling the cost of this pandemic. Too many people grieve for their loved ones, recover from their own illnesses, suffer from food and housing insecurity, and cope with depression, anxiety, and isolation. If we come to terms with a new presidential administration, we can get a glimmer of hope that our country will take a more aggressive approach to managing the spread and treatment of COVID-19.

For me, the effects of the pandemic have been less severe and I feel particularly happy. I reached the midpoint of my sabbatical year when the virus caught on and protection orders were issued. Like many of those reading this article, I was scheduled to attend the American Counseling Association conference in San Diego in April 2020, and I was thrilled to have the opportunity to present and moderate a workshop. My lecture, which was taken from my doctoral thesis, dealt with the lack of Arabic-American cultural competence training for student advisors. I also planned to unpack the current needs of Arab-American students, their expectations of meeting a counselor, and the factors that increase their likelihood of contacting a mental health provider. I am passionate about this research, especially given the lack of adequate mental health services for Arab-American students and how this affects their success.

In this piece, I would like to reinforce the personal concerns of Arab-American students who have attended focus group sessions I lead, those I counsel and teach, and those who live more generally in the Arab-American community on a micro-level from Chicagoland (Chicago and its adjacent suburbs). I will also make recommendations based on student feedback so that we can keep up with the current challenges of this population and confidently help them when they ask for support from us while they are suffering from mental distress.

Study background

Since 2015 I have been studying Community College Advisors' readiness to effectively engage with Arab-American college students. Pre- and post-examinations were used to assess the level of cultural competence of the counselors in Arab students. The follow-up exams were conducted after the counselors participated in a 90-minute professional development program called "Understanding the Arab American College Student."

My study also included Arab-American college students who, through a series of focus group sessions, provided rich criticism of how the political landscape shapes their experiences and identities. The information they shared also captured who they are culturally, socially, and religiously and how they manage their identities at home and at school. They also shared the importance of having psychologists who understand their worldview and whom they can turn to for assistance.

Background information on Arab Americans

Arab-American identities are large and complex, and the Arab-American students counselors interact with in their offices are as diverse as the 22 countries these students emigrated from or have ancestors with: Algeria , Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates and Yemen. Members of this community immigrated to the United States since the late 19th century and have long been part of the fabric of American society, making significant economic, educational, and political contributions. According to the Arab American Institute, one of the oldest Arab civic organizations in the United States, it is estimated that nearly 3.7 million Americans come from an Arab country. Although Arab Americans live in almost all parts of the United States, more than two-thirds of them live in just ten states: California, Michigan, New York, Florida, Texas, New Jersey, Illinois, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

There are many assumptions about Arab Americans that can disrupt the therapeutic process and the Alliance. For example, Arabs and Muslims are not synonyms; In fact, over 60% of Arabs living in the United States are Christians, not Muslims. Arab Americans can be first, second, or third generation. Some are fluent in Arabic and English while others may only speak one. Another common misconception revolves around the civil status of Arabs. Of the Arabs in the United States, 82% are citizens, most of whom were native born.

False beliefs, stereotypes, and popular assumptions may lead us to view members of this community as one-dimensional, but in fact Arab-American students are different so each student should be viewed as an individual with unique experiences.

Political stress

Although we lack data on students with Arabic backgrounds because they are expected to identify themselves as White / Caucasian on most college and university admissions forms, some locations, such as the University of Illinois at Chicago, have data that the Arab Americans exemplify make up a significant portion of the student body. Additionally, the college I work for is in a congressional district with one of the largest concentrations of Palestinians in the United States. It is clear that we are also enrolling a significant number of other Arab-American students. With Arab-American students making up a significant percentage of the college population while being exposed to audiences and various forms of racial / ethnic exclusion, it is imperative that our subject include a mental health framework that incorporates socio-political experiences as well as cultural and religious experiences Background of this population taken into account.

Arab students not only face many of the same challenges college students generally face, such as: Such as dealing with academic stress, negotiating relationships with friends, and choosing a major, but are also exposed to a persistent and relentlessly hostile political climate. These students, their families, and their communities in general, are grappling with the impact of anti-Arab and Islamophobic foreign and domestic policies such as the global war on terror, Muslim travel bans, mass surveillance, and countering-sponsored programs Racial Profiling Framework for Violent Extremism. These policies and programs flow into the daily lives of Arab Americans in the form of hate crime, discrimination, and a general sense of fear.

All of these can contribute to the development of mental health problems or aggravate pre-existing mental disorders. The participants in the focus group shared how the repressive policies shaped by the Trump administration (especially the Muslim travel ban order) were reflected in their everyday experiences of feeling fearful, alienated, intimidated and untrustworthy towards institutions that are supposed to be supportive . At the time, several students expressed their feelings of insecurity with comments such as, "Personally, I was scared during the election and when Trump became president." "I'm still scared of what he can and can't do to us as Arabs or Muslims" and "That Muslim ban was very traumatic not only for me but also for people who could not return to the states when they went on vacation. "

If we fail to understand the political stress of our Arab students and fail to have meaningful and heightened conversations on political issues that affect them, we run the risk of these students ending their sessions prematurely. The focus group students discussed a lot about the factors that would prevent them from returning to a counselor. The following quotations highlight some of the factors mentioned:

"It has to be a zone of no judgment and if it doesn't I wouldn't go back to counseling."
"I don't want to be judged or misunderstood by what you hear about Arab Americans in the media."
“There has to be a connection. The advisor must understand me as an Arab American. "

Culturally literate practitioners need to be able to monitor their prejudices and examine how their own racial / ethnic origin can play a role in building authentic relationships with Arab-American students. One of the prejudices that mental health professionals may hold that could influence their attitudes towards this population is that they associate all Arabs or all Muslims with a potential for crime or terrorism. These associations are not held exclusively by professionals in our field. Rather, they are common misconceptions that are the result of government discourses, domestic politics, and campaigns such as the global war on terror.

In my research, almost 70% of the consultants surveyed agreed that many people might have negative attitudes, stereotypes, preconceived notions and prejudices towards Arab Americans. Other prejudices permeated by corporate media include portraying Arab and Muslim women as docile and submissive – victims of a backward culture and religion from which they must be rescued. One student who attended the focus group sessions said he was “worried about how counselors get their information about us. Do they get [it] from the media and how does this affect the way consultants work with us? "

Despite all attempts as professional advisors to assist Arab and Muslim college students, it may not be in your best interest to apply a unified approach without critically examining our understanding of how anti-Arab racism and Islamophobia work. While many diversity advocates may have a background in some social justice / race issues, they typically lack training in the area of ​​exclusion and discrimination against Arabs.

Cultural considerations

While social injustice is a factor to be considered when working with Arab-American students, like all other students, they also face a variety of micro-level challenges. Family issues, intergenerational dissonances, acccultural stress, and identity confusion are some of the personal stressors that can affect the emotional wellbeing of this population.

The family plays a central role in Arab society. Family is the channel through which cultural continuity is promoted and through which the rich traditions and values ​​of the home country are invoked. Both the immediate and extended families are heavily involved in the enculturation, upbringing and decision-making processes of the Arab-American students they advise. Counselors can find that Arab-American students will not make isolated decisions even in adulthood. Rather, they are expected to consult with members of their family before deciding how to proceed. Coming from a collectivist society where the needs and desires of the group replace those of the individual, these students may be reluctant to act when an course of action or decision is inconsistent with family values ​​and does not benefit the collective or is seen as shameful .

While the dominant values ​​of the white middle class in the USA emphasize autonomy and freedom of choice without submitting to others, cultural norms in Arab families dictate the opposite. As clinicians, we should consider how the practice of encouraging students to distinguish their individual identities from that of their families contradicts most Arab-Americans. When our Arab-American students feel obliged by their families to make a decision that is not necessarily what they want, we should investigate how we can assist them in negotiating an outcome that will meet their needs without presenting them as treason to be respected by her family.

Instead of viewing these diverse cultural forms as dysfunctional or expecting our Arab-American students to align with Euro-North American ideals in order to be healthy and feel supported, I suggest that we use the inherent strengths capitalize on their own heritage. Culture and values. In this way we show an appreciation for their background and worldviews. Focus group participants shared the importance of integrating their cultural heritage in implementing therapeutic techniques. One participant stated, "Non-Arab counselors need a better understanding of who their Arab students are and the mechanisms our parents use to raise us." Another suggested, "Counselors shouldn't take things about us. They should take us ask about our values, beliefs and customs. "

While it cannot be stressed enough that the family is a core aspect of Arab culture, we also learn that honor, respect, morality, hospitality and generosity are other dominant characteristics of this group. When working with Arab-American students, it is useful to keep these cultural norms in mind so that those students feel heard, understood, and valued.

Intergenerational dissonance – another common source of stress for Arab-American students – can arise when students feel pressured to hold onto heritage traditions or religious values ​​with which they no longer identify. Students shared the stress of negotiating relationships with their parents and the differences in acculturation between them with these types of responses:

"Our parents worry that we are becoming 'Americanized' and that we are disregarding our traditions and religious practices."
"I think there are a lot of struggles that Arab Americans face, especially if they were born in America but their families weren't."
"We feel obliged to do what our families ask us to do."

Students also openly shared how intergenerational dissonance leads to other issues, including students wanting more freedom than parents are willing to and negotiating romantic relationships, marriage, and career choices.

Often the children in immigrant families adopt dominant values ​​of the white middle class in the USA much faster than their parents. This can lead to disharmony and dysfunction in the family. According to psychologist and scholar John Berry, a number of factors, including age at immigration, language proficiency and reason for leaving home, determine the ease and comfort with which individuals adapt when immigrating to the United States

.

During my research and years of advising Arab-American students, I have learned that some of these students have easily integrated into mainstream US life, but have found that it is equally important to them to maintain the riches and beauty of who they are as Arabs. They see themselves as members of a collectivist people with a strong extended family network, a rich heritage and culture that shape their way of life, and (for some) a religious framework from which they draw strength and guidance. These students learned how to weave in and out of the Americans and Arabs effectively and strategically. You have found a way to deal with the conflicts associated with intergenerational dissonance.

Students struggling with confusion of identity and defending themselves against family pressure want to explore the facets of their identity on their own terms. The focus group participants explained the challenges of trying to "live on the hyphen" (as in Arabic-American) and navigate the contradicting worlds in which they live:

"I have a feeling that Arab students are lost and don't know how to behave. They are like in between and unsure whether they are more Arab or American."
"Our families struggle to understand what it is like for their child to be an Arab living in America. We have problems being American in school and we have problems being Arab at home."
"I live both Arab and American life, but I have a feeling that non-Arabs see me as the other."

Arab-American students face persistent fears arising from trying to live their hyphen. In doing so, the parts of their heritage that they want to nurture and embrace are modified and massaged and those that are no longer important to them are discarded. Negotiating the complexities of their identity becomes even more complicated when they live in a hostile political landscape where they generally feel unwelcome and marginalized.

During my studies, Arab-American students were in the middle of dealing with the reality of a newly elected president who addressed members of their community with a travel ban and threats of deportation. Students spent a lot of time processing how the election cycle and Donald Trump's rhetoric left them vulnerable and undermined their sense of belonging on campus. One student stated that Trump's jingoistic feelings during the term "[bred] all kinds of hostility and hatred, not just towards Arabs but all other minorities, and the results were disastrous." According to a 2017 report by the Southern Poverty Law Center, hate crimes against Muslims rose 67% in 2015, the year Trump launched his presidential campaign.

The sense of security of Arab-American students was affected by a hostile climate that criminalized and questioned them. Students tell us that being Arab or Muslim is a complicated time and they need counselors to understand how their identities are shaped by the political landscape. How do we create security in the therapeutic encounter under these conditions? How do we affirm the humanity of these students and resolve their concerns?

Consulting considerations

In order to establish culturally appealing care for Arab-American students, we need to consider both the macro-level political stress that harms these students and the micro-level challenges that affect their psychological wellbeing. As counselors, we have the unique opportunity to increase understanding of the current challenges facing Arab American students and the therapeutic interventions with which we address them.

These students inform us that they will benefit from counselors who are familiar with family dynamics, intergenerational dissonance, and identity confusion. As counselors trained in Euro-North American counseling theory and technology, we need to critically examine the applicability of these models to Arab-American students and modify the strategies we use to complement the worldview of this population. If we fail to do so, we can characterize cultural norms, beliefs, values, and traditions as oppressive or primitive, which could inadvertently shame the students we work with. We may also interpret the family interactions of these students as unhealthy with blurred boundaries, or judge them unfairly, or see them as entangled and fused, which affects the individualization and differentiation of the self.

These terms, which are inherent in Western models of family therapy, do not agree with the Arab-American family system. Applying these concepts can cause these students to feel unknowingly judged, misunderstood, or misheard and lead to premature discontinuation of therapy. Instead, we should consider redefining our understanding of Arab-American family dynamics by viewing these interactions as loving, caring, uplifting, and offering unconditional support.

In addition to the aforementioned factors, the students shared other elements that would prevent them from returning to a counselor:

"I had an advisor who advised me or found solutions that were more suitable for non-Arabs."
"I received solutions from consultants that did not fit what I was looking for or who I am."

Those who participated in the focus group also specifically let us know that it is a difficult time to be an Arab-American student. They cross a hostile political climate that causes them psychological problems. Being well meaning and harnessing the compassion that has called us into this area may not be enough. As counselors, it is our duty to intentionally fill gaps in our knowledge base regarding the roles that culture, racism and oppression play to affect these students' ability to function academically and personally. If we neglect this – and if false beliefs, popular assumptions, or personal prejudices are not checked – we can inadvertently revive these students. To rule out the potential for harm, we can monitor our sensitivity to the historical and current oppression of Arab American students. This can be achieved in part by participating in professional development opportunities that improve our understanding of the sociopolitical, cultural, and religious needs of this population.

Ultimately, we can help these students recreate and redefine the world they live in by acting as agents of change, advocating for them and working with them to eradicate institutional discrimination. This includes speaking with administrators to critically examine our campus communities and determine if we are taking the necessary steps to foster a sense of belonging for that population.

Institutional responsibility includes counting Arab-American students on admission forms and monitoring inequalities that could make these students feel vulnerable and paralyzed. Our universities should also take deliberate steps to diversify the hiring and recruitment of faculties and staff, and to complement the demographics of their respective student body. Ultimately, the question that consultants and universities should ask is: "How do we help Arab-American students feel safe, understood and integrated?"

****

Souzan Naser is an Associate Professor and Advisor at Moraine Valley Community College in Palos Hills, Illinois, where she was recognized for her work on campus diversity. Her dissertation dealt with the lack of Arab-American cultural literacy training available to counseling professionals . She was born in Palestine and grew up in southwest Chicago in the heart of one of the largest concentrated Arab-American communities in the United States. Contact them at [email protected].

Knowledge-sharing articles developed from sessions presented at American Counseling Association conferences.

****

It should not be assumed that opinions or statements in articles appearing on CT Online represent the opinions of the editors or guidelines of the American Counseling Association.

Add Your Comment